This was originally presented in podcast format for an assignment. Below is the script I followed.
As the critic K.W. Grandsen notes, the Epic was intended as a panegyric of Caesar, with panegyric meaning a published text in praise of someone. Contextually, as W.A. Camps reminds us, much of Virgil’s young adult life was plagued by civil war and some suggest that his own farm in Mantua was confiscated for the resettlement of demobilised soldiers. Many believe this is why he supported Augustus for his policy of Pax Romana or Roman peace. In fact, Virgil’s earlier poem ‘Georgics’ was primarily about farming but also acted as a plea for political stability (which Augustus rule eventually created).
The ‘Aeneid’ is primarily a national poem, a picture of roman character and ideals that Augustus wanted propagated. These were known as the Mos maiorum or custom of our ancestors and included a return to the Traditional Religion which is shown by Aeneas’ performance of the first parentalia (or festival in honour of the dead) for his father Anchises in bk 5. Piety to ones gods, family and country was also championed by the new Augustan regime, explaining Aeneas’ epithet. Traditional family roles were also endorsed, and as the critic Llewellyn Morgan summarises, Creusa represents the ideal Roman woman due to her self-sacrifice for the eventual foundation of Rome and for the fated greatness of her husband and son.
There are four specific examples of propaganda in the ‘Aeneid’ which I would like to individually explore. The first is the significance of Carthage:
Rome’s greatest historical danger had been the three Punic wars fought against Carthage between 264-146 BC. In the 2nd war the Carthaginian general Hannibal destroyed roman armies and overran the Italian peninsula, even managing to cross the alps – Rome’s greatest geographical defence. Many believe Dido’s speech before her death in book 4 “Arise from my dead bones, O my unknown avenger, and harry the race of Daradanus” actually calls upon Hannibal as the said unknown avenger. By Dido prophesying these later Punic wars, Romans took this as a mythological justification for their controversial destruction and genocide of Carthage in 146 BC. Therefore, by creating a literary explanation for the Roman-Carthage hatred, Virgil is attempting to present Rome as the morally righteous party in arguably the most disturbing event of the Empire’s history.
The second specific example is the pageant of heroes in book 6:
The pageant in the underworld includes many important roman figures who reside in Elysium. Julius Caesar (who was Augustus’ adopted father and predecessor) is mentioned and styled “son of a god who extended Rome’s empire beyond the Indians and Garamentes”. There is also a highly emotional obituary to Marcellus, Augustus’ nephew and intended heir, who died untimely from an illness at the age of 19. This inclusion was so touching that Marcellus’ mother, and thus Augustus’ sister, swooned upon first hearing it. In fact, nine tenths of the individuals mentioned were members of the Julian family which is an obvious attempt by Virgil to celebrate the family of his patron. The pageant also firmly establishes Augustus’ ancestral link to Aeneas as we learn a Caesar will eventually come from the line of Ascanius.
Thirdly, the Shield of Aeneas in book 8 contains three scenes which directly link to pro-Augustan propaganda. In the centre of the shield, it depicts the Battle of Actium of 31 BC. In this battle Augustus defeated his enemies Mark Antony and Cleopatra, gaining control over the east and Egypt. It also depicts Augustus’ subsequent triple triumph in 29BC over Dalmatia, Actium and Alexandria. Both of these scenes clearly portray Augustus as a successful military leader. However, a more implicit related scene is Romulus and Remus suckling from the mother wolf. A key part of the foundation story of Rome. As David West points out, this applies to Augustus because he styled himself as the descendant of Aeneas and therefore a descendant of the founding twins.
And lastly, we see a direct reference to Augustus’ greatness in the opening book of the epic. Jupiter’s prophecy in book 1 mentions Augustus as the one responsible for creating a Roman “empire that will know no end” with the Romans as “the rulers of the world”. Caesar is also deified as Jupiter remarks “you will receive him in the sky”. By introducing the poem with a celebration of his ruler, Virgil is firmly establishing his epic as a work of praise.
However, it is important to note that Virgil adopts an extremely pessimistic tone during parts of the epic, especially in reference to the Latin war, which makes many critics believe he was actually anti-Augustan and therefore that his areas of praise were included solely to satisfy an all-controlling emperor. It is also true that the epic’s role as a replicator of Hellenistic poetic tradition is more apparent than its role as propaganda. Perhaps the shield of book 8 is less so a celebration of Augustus and more so a link with the ‘Iliad”s shield of Achilles. Or perhaps Aeneas’ katabasis or descent, to the underworld is more important in terms of following the heroic tradition than who he learns about when he is there. However, it is my belief that Virgil was indeed pro-Augustan both socially and politically. The two figures moved in the same social circles, with Augutus’ chief imperial minister Maecenas being best friends with Virgil. Virgil and Augustus were also both very passionate about political stability, peace and a return to Roman traditional values. As David West remarks, Virgil wrote acceptably in the praise of his patron as the Aeneid was not burnt upon the poet’s in accordance with his wishes.
Therefore, it is my belief that Rome’s greatest poet did indeed write in favour of Rome’s greatest ruler.
HiSZtory 